Category Archives: Solidarity Links

The struggle for the land

The Mainlnder

http://themainlander.com/2016/01/28/the-struggle-for-the-land-a-view-from-the-philippines/

The Struggle for the Land: A View from the Philippines

Aiyanas Ormond January 28, 2016

Cenona Estrada, Chairperson of the Kaugmaon (Photo Credit: Martha Roberts)

This weekend Cafe Rebelde will be hosting The Struggle For the Land, an event that combines a photo exhibit, food, community theatre, followed by a discussion about the intersection of food sovereignty, global land struggle, and state repression. On this occasion we are publishing a new piece by Aiyanas Ormond, an organizer of the event. Over the years Ormond has spent time integrating with urban poor and peasant communities in the Philippines, most recently in the fall of 2015. Below is an account of Kaugmaon, an organization fighting for the land and community control on the Filipino island of Negros. For more information about the event see the bottom of this article. –Editors

“The principle of Kaugmaon is embedded in the struggle for the land. It is a struggle for survival for the members, and it is the undying hope of freedom and of victory at the end, that allows it to survive.”

Cenona Estrada needs to take courage where she can. She’s the chairperson of Kaugmaon, the peasant farmer’s organization on the island of Negros in the Philippines. Enrik Colago, the previous chairperson, was murdered along with his wife in an extrajudicial killing involving the Armed Forces of the Philippines, police, and paramilitaries. Toto Quirante, Enrik’s predecessor, was also killed by the military and his sister, Emilia Quirante – also once a Kaugmaon chairperson – spent 18 months in prison on trumped up charges.

This militarization and repression, familiar in so many other parts of the Global South, is driven by a basic conflict over land. It is part of a sharp struggle between, on the one hand, some three billion human beings who procure their livelihood through subsistence farming, fishing and hunting, and, on the other, the imperialist conglomeration of landowners, capitalist agribusiness, corporate resource extraction (particularly mining) and various forms of real-estate speculators.

It’s not a conflict that is much talked about or very well understood in the heartlands of the imperialist metropole, but globally it’s the central conflict fueling some of the boldest and most transformative struggles for liberation – as well as many of the worst instances of state repression.

Sugar workers in Negro, Philippines (Photo Credit: Martha Roberts)

There are painful indicators of the tremendous toll that ‘integration’ into the imperialist political economy takes on these communities, such as the elevated suicide rate of debt-burdened farmers in India (47% higher than the national average & 300,000 farmer suicides in the last 20 years) or the permanent condition of poverty in the slums of Cairo, Sao Paulo, Delhi and the other big cities where those driven off the land end up.

On the flip side is the struggles of rural communities for the right to survival, which in this case means land. From the militant organizing and land occupations of the Landless Peasants Movement (MST) in Brazil, to the struggles of rural and Adivasi people in India, to the Zapatista liberated communities, these struggles are a powerful challenge to imperialist hegemony, in part because they pose a concrete alternative to capitalist models of ‘development.’

A view from the Philippines

The immediacy and urgency of the struggle for the land is crystal clear in the mountains of the Philippines. In the Vasayan island of Negros, in the rural hinterland of the secondary city Guihulngan, Erlie Calago has lost both of her parents to this struggle. Her mother Rosalie and father Endrik were leaders of Kaugmaon. For families like theirs, land, survival, dignity and hope are deeply intertwined.

The progressive mass movement in the Philippines identifies their enemy as imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. Anyone who visits the area can quickly see that all three forces are in play in Guihulngan. Through feudalism – the old system of exploitation of peasants by landlords – tenant farmers must turn over a quarter, a third, or even of half of all they produce to the rich families that ‘own’ their lan, even though they may have never set foot on it. While this is a system that pre-dates capitalism, it is held in place by the legal framework of the modern Philippine State, whose military and police secure the property rights of the feudal landlords. Over the years Kaugmaon has waged a successful struggle to reduce the amount paid by peasants to their landlords, making the organization a target.

Peasant rally in the Philippines (Photo Credit: Martha Roberts)

Imperialism – domination by foreign governments and exploitation by foreign multinational corporations – is evident particularly in the hundreds of mining claims on the island. Large capitalist mining companies, including Canadian based and financed operations, lust for the rich mineral resources buried within the mountains of the province. Initially these developments require removal of the farming communities. This first wave of displacement is then exacerbated as the runoff from mining operations pollutes nearby farms and coastal waters, undermining the livelihood of farming and fisherfolk communities.

For its part bureaucrat capitalism is exemplified by the Vice-Mayor of Guihulngan, one of the city’s largest landowners. He leverages political power and influence with the police for his own economic goals, which includes displacing peasant families to make way for plantation farming, ‘eco-tourism,’ and other profit oriented ‘developments.’

Kaugmaon and its members continue to resist land-grabbing and fight for genuine land reform but face off against intense repression and militarization. Nearby, in the city of Escalante, organized farmers have taken the next step, occupying and cultivating the lands that they formerly worked as super-exploited day labourers for the benefit of the sugar-baron landlords. These communities with access to land are visibly healthier; teenagers stay in the community (rather than migrating to the city) and the malnutrition, ubiquitous in peasant and sugar-worker communities on Negros, is absent. The farmers of Escalante have created a cooperative and sustainable economy in the midst of a sea of intense exploitation of labour, stifled human potential, and the plunder of the environment.

What has allowed the Escalante farmers to take and hold the land in defiance of the interests of landlords, sugar-barons and mining companies?  Like the MST in Brazil and the Zapatistas in Mexico, these communities are organized and united by a transformative vision that goes beyond resistance to capitalism. This shared vision of liberation allows the community to create cooperative forms of production and to thrive economically, while at the same time resisting attempts by landlords to divide and undermine the community or pit families against one another. Another important factor is the presence of the armed revolutionary movement (the NPA or New People’s Army) in the area, which defends the interests of the poor and prevents the military and police from acting with impunity.

The threat of a good example

The examples of oppressed and exploited people resisting the super-exploitation and displacement of imperialist globalization are still few and far between, but they are indispensable models for any future of substantive social and economic justice. Their fight shows that the struggle for the land must be central to any vision of a just, healthy and liberated world. The increasingly obvious reality today is that the capitalist economy can’t and won’t absorb the further billions of people being displaced as imperialism spreads its tentacles across the globe. Nor can the world sustain the further expansion of capitalist industrial food production with all its negative social and ecological consequences.

Join Cafe Rebelde on Saturday, January 30 for The Struggle for the Land Land Reclamation, Food Sovereignty, and State Repression; with speakers, delicious food and community theatre. Grandview Calvary Baptist Church (1803 E. 1st Ave), doors open at 6pm.

 

Academics protest Rohith Vemula’s death

Statement by concerned scholars

The suicide of Rohith Vemula is now the subject of a ridiculous inquiry to be conducted by a Committee set up by Union HRD Minister Smriti Irani. The real reason and the politics behind it are clear to those who are willing to open their eyes. As academics, we are concerned that such a situation should prevail in Universities, and wish to register our protest.

Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai was to be screened at the University of Hyderabad. The action was planned by the Ambedkar Students’ Association. The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, student goons of the RSS, used force to try and halt this. Dalit students were subjected to verbal abuse as well as physical force. As a result of agitations the ABVP had to apologise in writing. This was what caused such tremendous heartburn to the Hindutva forces. While the screening of Muzaffarnagar Baaqi Hai has taken place in various parts of the country, and has also given rise to conflicts in various parts of the country, it is in UoH alone that the consequences turned so aggressive with full participation of the top echelons of the University. The new Vice Chancellor, Appa Rao Podile, had five PhD students suspended. They were subjected to social ostracism as well. Thrown out of hostel, debarred from entering library, administrative spaces, they were hounded in a way that no administration has hounded any upper caste student in our memory. It is also reported that an MHRD letter designated them anti-national for opposing the hanging of Yakub Memon. The MHRD, today  proclaiming autonomy of Universities, was goading UoH through several letters to take action against the ASA. Rohith had even written a letter to the Vice Chancellor a couple of weeks ago, where he suggested the University provide means of committing suicide to Dalit students. Even after this the authorities did nothing. And after the suicide, the police acted in a brutal and shameless manner, grabbing the body of Rohith and disposing of it in secrecy instead of handing it over to his relatives. 

As a result, we need to conclude the following:

         That while other conflicts, such as over communalism, over a host of issues, do remain important, when they are fought with Dalits at one end, the attitude of government and authorities becomes far more aggressive.

         That there is a generalised hostility to Dalits, and a great insensitivity to the burdens they carry, which is why the Hindutva offensive against the ASA could proceed so far with so little protest from across the country.

This should once again force us to open our eyes, as incidents repeatedly, whether the suicide of Chuni Kotal in 1992, or the death of Balmukund Bharti, again by suicide, or so many other cases should have, that while formally the Constitution of India declares the end of casteism, in reality Brahmanism is rampant, and Dalits today have to fight the same battle as Shambuk or Ekalavya. If we are really sincere in desiring democracy and substantive equality, we must stand up and be counted in the struggle against casteism.

We demand:

●Removal of Smriti Irani as the Minister in charge of a Department that  wrote repeated letters to UoH demanding punishment of so-called anti-national students.

●Removal of the Vice Chancellor and his punishment for casteism, and for abetting suicide.

●Action against all those using casteist abuse on social media against the ASA.        


Signatories:

  1. Sumit Sarkar
  2. Tanika Sarkar
  3. Achin Vanaik
  4. Kunal Chattopadhyay, Jadavpur University
  5. Soma Marik, RKSM Vivekananda Vidyabhavan, West Bengal State University
  6. Abhijit Kundu, Sri Venkateswara College, Delhi University
  7. Maroona Murmu, Jadavpur University
  8. Kalyan Das, Presidency University
  9. Anuradha Roy, Jadavpur University
  10. Samantak Das, Jadavpur University
  11. Abhijit Gupta, Jadavpur University
  12. Sudeshna Banerjee, Jadavpur University,
  13. Suchetana Chattopadhyay, Jadavpur University
  14. Samir Karmakar, Jadavpur University
  15. Nilanjana Gupta, Jadavpur University
  16. Sanjoy Kumar Saha, Jadavpur University
  17. Nupur Dasgupta, Jadavpur University
  18. Sujata  Tarafdar, Jadavpur University,
  19. Nandini Saha, Jadavpur University
  20. Mahitosh Mandal, Presidency University
  21. Debajit Dutta, Jadavpur University
  22. Ritajyoti Bandyopadhyay, Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta
  23. Sujit Kumar Mandal, Jadavpur University
  24. Keshab Bhattacharya, Jadavpur University
  25. Rochana Das, Jadavpur University
  26. Gautam Gupta, Jadavpur University
  27. Mahidas Bhattacharya, Jadavpur University
  28. Abhijit Roy, Jadavpur University
  29. Partha Pratim Ray, Jadavpur University
  30. Epsita Halder, Jadavpur University
  31. Proyash Sarkar, Jadavpur University
  32. Atreyi Dasgupta, Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Center for Hematology and Oncology, Baylor College of Medicine, USA
  33. Chandak Sengoopta, Birbeck College, University of London
  34. Tithi Bhattacharya, University of Purdue
  35. Bill Mullen, University of Purdue
  36. Abha Dev Habib, Miranda House, Delhi University
  37. Neshat Qaiser, Jamia Milia Islamia University
  38. Rina Ramdev, Sri Venkateswara College, Delhi University
  39. Surajit Mukhopadhyay, WBNUJS
  40. Gaurang Sahay, TISS, Mumbai
  41. Padma Velaskar, TISS, Mumbai
  42. Monami Basu, Delhi University
  43. Mrityunjay Yadavendu, Delhi University
  44. Naveen Gaur, Dyal Singh College, Delhi University
  45. Nandita Narain, St. Stephens College, Delhi University.
  46. Pradip Basu, Presidency University
  47. Saikat Sinha Roy, Jadavpur University
  48. Anindya Sengupta, Jadavpur University
  49. Partha Sarathi Bhaumik, Jadavpur University
  50. Rimi B. Chatterjee, Jadavpur University
  51.  Shashi Sekhar Singh, Satyavati College, Delhi University
  52.  Mihir Pandey, Ramjas College, Delhi University
  53. Radrashish Chakraborty, KMC, Delhi University
  54. Roopa Dhawan, Ramjas College, Delhi University
  55. Chitra Joshi, IP College, Delhi University
  56. Debaditya Bhattacharya, Nivedita College, University of Calcutta
  57. Indrani Talukdar, BITS Pilani, Goa
  58. Vinita Chandra, Ramjas College, Delhi University
  59.  Nandini Chandra, Delhi University
  60. Mithuraaj Dhusiya,  Delhi University
  61. Sibaji Bandyopadhyay, formerly in CSSSC
  62. Samarpita Mitra, Jadavpur University
  63. Tilottama Mukherjee,  Jadavpur University
  64. Arabinda Samanta, Burdwan University
  65. Niladri R. Chatterjee, Kalyani University
  66. Priyanka Bhattacharya, Doon School
  67. Sreejith Kalandy, Mangalkote Government General Degree College
  68. Pranav Jani, Ohio State University, USA
  69. Paramita Bhattacharjee Chakraborti, Jadavpur University
  70. Partha Pratim Basu, Jadavpur University
  71. Rina Ghosh, Jadavpur University

Solidarity with journalists in Chhattisgarh

 

Release Santosh-Somaru! Enact protection law for journalists! Repeal CSPSA! : Statement of Solidarity

Statement of Solidarity for journalists’ movement in Chhattisgarh

We extend our unconditional support to the journalists’ movement proposed on December 21, 2015 in Jagdalpur district of Chhattisgarh demanding the enactment of a protection law for scribes and immediate release of two reporters Santosh Yadav and Somaru Naag, who were arrested in September and July this year in fabricated cases and charged under Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act (CSPSA). We have seen a surge in the attack on right to freedom of expression in recent times where journalists have been intimidated, bullied and even killed in different parts of the country. This has raised questions over legitimacy of democratically elected governments and is threatening the basic principles of democracy.

Chhattisgarh is notably different in this respect as journalists here are forced to take sides either with the state or with the Maoist insurgents. In the distant areas of Dantewada, survival of a journalist depends on the meager concessions given by either police or Maoists. If in case he dares to sympathize with the marginalized tribals sandwiched between police and insurgents and eventually finds it difficult to suppress his voice of conscience, then he is destined to death or is sent behind bars. This deplorable condition is outlined in the case of Nemichandra Jain and Sai Reddy, who were first sent to jail on charges of being Maoist informer and when released, killed by Maoists who termed them as police agents. Santosh Yadav and Somaru Naag are victims of the same vicious circle who are now facing severe torture inside Jagdalpur jail since last few months but unfortunately, no collective voice has been raised in their support at national level until date.

Although, journalists in Bastar have successfully agitated in the past. They have equally condemned the state and police atrocities as well as opposed intimidation of free speech by Maoists. When journalist Nemichandra Jain was killed by Maoists, there was a huge mobilization among fraternity and a collective decision was taken not to publish any news item on insurgents. This collective action forced a written apology from Maoist spokesperson Gudsa Usendi. When Sai Reddy was murdered, journalists decided to enter the Maoist stronghold and dissent to send a direct message that terror on free speech will not be tolerated. Journalists there have taken the same position against police and state machinery. These past events and agitations only prove that journalists of Bastar are collectively fighting to preserve the fundamental right to freedom of expression and speech.

A healthy and functioning democracy requires that journalists should feel free to work in an objective manner without any fear. The case of Santosh Yadav and Somaru Naag is a characteristic example of state terror and police’s high-handedness hence it is imperative to build a struggle for freedom of expression and speech around this. Although lately, but recent agitation on this issue at national level should be welcomed in word and spirit.

We demand immediate and unconditional release of Santosh and Somaru. We demand repealing of draconian CSPSA and enactment of a law to protect journalists. These are the same demands to be raised on December 21 by the movement. Apart, we demand a white paper from the state government on the attacks and harassment of scribes during last five years in Chhattisgarh, to initiate a public discussion on this issue and to facilitate the formation of a comprehensive law for protection of journalists.

We also demand that the officials involved in conspiracy against jailed journalists must be identified  and brought to book. A case must be registered against officials and the jailed journalists must be compensated for the loss. Last but not the least, we appeal to all the editors in Chhattisgarh to stand up against scuttling of free speech and leave the editorial space empty in their publications on December 21, 2015 in support of the larger movement.

 Signatories

 Arjun Prasad Singh (Peoples’ Democratic Front Of India)

Anand Swaroop Verma (Samkaleen Teesari Dunia)

Pankaj Bisht (Samayantar)

Anil Chamadia (Media Studies Group)

Subhash Gatade (New Socialist Initiative)

Kavita Krishnan (AIPWA, CPI-ML Liberation)

Manisha Sethi (Jamia Teachers’ Solidarity Association)

Richa Pandey (Pragatisheel Mahila Ekta Kendra)

SANHATI (Delhi)

Dr. A.K. Arun (Yuva Samwad and Yuva Bharat)

Deep Singh Shekhawat (Jan Sangharsh Samanvay Samiti)

Mahtab Alam (PUCL, Delhi)

Shahnawaz Alam (Rihai Manch)

Rajeev Yadav (Insaf Abhiyan, U.P.)

Journalists’ Union For Civil Society

Yashwant Singh (Bhadas4Media.com)

Rajkishor (Senior Journalist, Delhi)

Prashant Tandon (Senior Journalist, Delhi)

Amalendu Upadhyaya (Hastakshep.com)

Panini Anand (Pratirodh.com)

Avnish Rai (Jan Media/Mass Media)

Prakash K. Ray (Bargad.org)

Peeush Pant (Lok Samwad)

Jitendra Chahar (Sangharsh Samwad)

Ranjeet Verma (Kavita: 16 May Ke Baad)

Ashok Kumar Pandey (Aaghaaz Sanskritik Manch)

Reyazul Haq (Hashiya)

Abhishek Srivastava (Junputh.com)

(Please send your endorsements to guru.abhishek@gmail.com latest by 19 th December)

 

 

Sexual violence against women in India

DECEMBER 15, 2015

Statement by women’s groups, students’ groups, progressive groups and individuals

As 2015 comes to a close, we remember the tumultuous times in December 2012 when thousands of people – young and old – poured into the streets of Delhi in pain, rage and outrage. This was, of course, in the aftermath of the brutal gang rape and assault on a young woman that eventually led to her tragic death. That it occurred in the heart of Delhi, the capital of the country, is a shocking truth that people demanded and the government pledged to change.

Yet, in the three years since December 2012, women continue to face violence in every space they occupy, including their own homes, in public places, on public transport and at workplaces. There have been many attacks on women and girls, some accompanied by huge media coverage, but most taking place away from the public glare. Violence is the weapon used to keep them “in their place” on the basis of their identities, including caste, class race, religion and dis/ability.

These range from sexual assaults and rapes and even murder of adivasi women and girls in Bijapur, Chhattisgarh, by CRPF men; on Muslim women in Muzaffarnagar, Uttar Pradesh; on Dalit women in Haryana, on women from Northeast India, either in their own states or in the places they move to in search of brighter opportunities.

Women occupying workplaces in the informal and formal sectors are facing increasing levels of backlash. From women working in fields, mines or inside homes, on construction sites or tending roadside stalls, to women working in corporate offices, non-governmental organisations, educational institutions, law offices or in the media, countless cases bear testament to the systematic sexual harassment they face at workplaces. While some have taken courage to file cases against their perpetrators, the severe consequences that have had to face from the media and the courts for speaking out are a matter of deep concern.

Take for instance some of the most high profile cases of sexual assault by senior male colleagues at workplaces as varied as the courts, media houses and NGOS. In case after case, the women have faced hostile work environments, been named and outed, harassed and finally hounded out of their jobs. While the men are out on bail (if arrested in the first place), reinstated in their jobs with full public sympathy and credibility, the  women complainants are out in the cold, their stories trashed and disbelieved, their workplace harassment continuing as ‘punishment’ for having spoken out, their economic status severely compromised. Yet, the rhetoric of ‘misuse’ of the law by women is growing every day; with little regard for the facts on the ground.

If we turn to cases filed under the new amendments to the law against sexual assault that were passed in the wake of the movement in December 2012, the scene is dismal. Be it the women in Muzaffarnagar, Bhagana or Bastar, or the women employees of Tehelka or TERI, they all await justice.

The police and the judicial system, not to mention society, the media and political powers that rule at States or the Centre, have mostly worked to subvert the law. Worryingly, even as women who file cases under the laws enacted to protect women are feeling betrayed and vulnerable, a growing clamour brands the laws against gender-based violence as “draconian,” “biased against men”. Another disturbing fact is that 40% of rape cases filed in Delhi are by parents branding elopements as ‘rape.’ These cases hide a tale of familial violence against women who choose their own partners. In addition, is the intensified political offensive on inter-caste and inter-faith love. A recent sting operation by Cobrapost exposed how outfits close to the Sangh Parivar run an organized racket to brand inter-faith love as ‘love jehad’ and beat and coerce women to give up such relationships.

Unfortunately, the Governments allow these outfits to attack the rights and freedom of women with impunity. At the same time, central and state governments are increasingly seeking to use the issue of violence against women to push through regressive policies like death penalty, or lowering the age of juvenility – even though the Justice Verma Committee carefully considered and rejected these measures as counter-productive and against the interests of victims of gender violence. Measures that we as women’s, students’ and progressive groups and movements have steadfastly resisted.

The movement of December 2012 had raised the slogan of Bekhauf Azaadi, or Fearless Freedom for women and for all, and had specifically challenged moves to control women in the name of their own safety, and to use the fear of rape to justify patriarchal restrictions and surveillance on women’s freedom.

We share the grief and have full empathy with parents and families of victims of violence. It is however important that we continue to place the issue of violence against women and children at the centre of discussions and not “victimhood”. We understand that one instance of sexual violence in a family sometimes takes a toll on the family as a whole and it is years before they can recover. In our struggle against violence we must be aware and ensure that we do not reinforce victimhood and prolong this suffering. They, victims and families need to heal, and their loss and grief must not be publicly paraded.

We stand in solidarity to commemorate the victim of the December 2012 gang rape, as well as all the other known and unknown women and girls who face sexual and other forms of abuse. For us, this is a day that calls upon us to renew our vision of substantive, reformative and reparative justice for victims and survivors of sexual violence, as opposed to retribution against perpetrators. Such justice can only truly be achieved in a society that is both ethical and humane, and in which the survivor and her health and freedom are the focus of the procedures of the criminal justice, medical, and social welfare systems. We condemn the impunity that most often accompanies acts of gender-based violence against women, girls, boys and trans people. We assert their right to equality in the eyes of the law.

  • We stand today in hope with millions across the country – and indeed, the world – that justice will prevail in all cases, including the December 2012 case, according to the prevailing laws of the land.
  • We state unequivocally that we are against draconian punishments like death penalty or chemical castration.
  • We believe in reformative and reparative rather than retributive justice, which gives a chance for people – including juveniles – to change and turn their lives around.
  • We reiterate our demand for certainty of justice and not severity of punishment.
  • We reject the logic of ‘instant’ vigilante justice and instead seek to strengthen the systems and due processes of justice, to ensure that these work for and not against victims.
  • We demand that the Governments at the State and Centre uphold their obligations under the Constitution of India and under international human rights Covenants to guarantee women and girls the right to equality, freedom and justice.

Endorsed by:

Sl.No. Individual Organisation/ Affiliation
1 Saheli Women’s Resource Centre
2 Pamela Philipose
3 Ayesha Kidwai Jawaharlal Nehru University
4 Vani Subramanian Filmmaker, New Delhi
5 Vrinda Grover Lawyer, Supreme Court of India, Delhi
6 Ratna Appnender Lawyer, Delhi
7 Indira Jaising
8 Kavita Krishnan  All India Progressive Women’s Association
9 Pratiksha Baxi
10 Enakshi Ganguly
11 Bharti Ali
12 Geetha Nambisan  Feminist/ Management professional, Delhi
13 Nivedita Menon
14 Chaitali Haldar
15 Suneeta Dhar
16 Purnima Gupta
17 Nandini Rao Activist, New Delhi
18 Ratna Raman Delhi University
19 Arathi PM Council for Social Development, New Delhi
20 Shehla Rashid Vice President, JNUSU
21 Rama Naga General Secretary, JNUSU
22 Shweta Raj Convenor, JNUSU
23 Geeta Kumari GSCASH representative, JNU
24 Sucheta De All India Students Association
25 Janaky Sreedharan Dept. of English, University of Calicut
26 Anjali Mody Journalist
27 Nandita Narain Delhi University
28 Moushumi Basu JNU
29 Sabitha T.P. University of Delhi
30 Samina Mishra
31 Madhu Sahni JNU
32 Lata Singh  JNU
33 Navaneetha Mokkil  JNU
34 Ritoo M.Jerath  JNU
35 Janaki Nair  JNU
36 Brinda Bose  JNU
37 Niraja Gopal Jayal  JNU
38 Angelie Multani IIT Delhi
39 Trina Nileena Banerjee Assistant Professor in Cultural Studies,Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta
40 Sudeshna Sengupta
41 Shilpa Phadke School of Media and Cultural Studies, TISS
42 Bindu Menon Asst. Prof., Delhi University
43  Shampa Sengupta Gender & Disability Rights Activist, Kolkata.
44  Anannya Bhattacharjee Garment & Allied Workers Union, Gharelu Kamgaar Sanghatan – Gurgaon
45 Neha Dixit Independent Journalist
46 Rohini Hensman Writer and activist
47 Manjima Bhattacharjya Sociologist
48 Sujata Mody Penn Thozhilalargal Sangam
49 Sumangala Damodaran Ambedkar University Delhi
50 Nandini Dhar University of Florida
51 Albeena Shakeel IIAS Shimla
52 Dr. Janaki Abraham Delhi University
53 Geeta Seshu Independent journalist, Mumbai
54 Jyoti Mhapsekar Stree Mukti Sanghatana
Mumbai
55 Ramlath Kavil
56 Supriya Madangarli
57 Amrita Shodhan
58 Geetanjali Gangoli
59 Shipra Nigam Research scholar, New Delhi
60 Soma KP Researcher, CAWL RIGHTS​
61 Ena Panda University of Delhi
62 Urmimala Sarkar JNU
63 Monisha Behal North East Network, Assam Meghalaya Nagaland
64 Mercy Guite JNU
65 Aarthi Pai Sangram
66 Trupti Shah Sahiyar (Sree Sangathan)
67 Juhi Jain Feminist activist, Delhi
68 Padma Deothali CEHAT
69 Pakhi Individual
70 Pitambari Josalkar Social Worker, New Delhi
71 Jaina Shrivastava Ghaziabad
72 Neha Dhingra State Programme Manager, Young Urban Women’s Project, Telangana, Actionaid India
73 Bini Philips Communications Executive, RAHI Foundation
74 Abha Bhaiya Feminist activist, Himachal Pradesh
75 Arundhati Dhuru- NAPM
76 Gabriele Dietrich Madurai
77 Neeraj Malik
78 Shahida Murtaza MANUU, Hyderabad
79 Urvashi Butalia Delhi
80 Govind Kelkar Delhi
81 Radhika Desai Consultant-Gender, and Development
82 Swagata Lawyer
83 Shraddha Chickerur
84 Sheetal Sharma North East Network, Assam
85 Neeraj Malik Academic, Delhi
86 Ania Loomba University of Pennsylvania
87 Mollica Dastidar JNU
88 Parnal Chirmuley JNU
89 Kumkum Roy JNU
90 Jayati Ghosh JNU
91 Anupama Roy JNU
92 G.Arunima JNU
93 Chirashree Dasgupta JNU
94 Shraddha Chigateri Researcher
95 Indira C Delhi
96 Shambhavi Prakash JNU
97 Papori Bora JNU
98 V Sujatha JNU
99 Uma V Chandru Independent Researcher, Bangalore
100 Anuradha Kapoor Swayam
101 Prabhleen Youth activist Delhi
102 Dhiviya David
103 Mary John Researcher
104 Madhu Mehra Lawyer
105 Uma Chakravarti
106 Kiran Shaheen Activist and memoirist
107 LABIA – A Queer Feminist LBT Collective, Mumbai
108 Forum Against Oppression of Women, Mumbai